Presbyterians Pro-Life
The Advisory Committee on Social Witness Policy task group on implementation of the abortion policy has second meeting (January 12-14, 2000) to evaluate work of entities using the fifteen "policy themes" they created
by Terry Schlossberg
Shorts on ACSWP and the Abortion Policy
by Terry Schlossberg
![]()
The Advisory Committee on Social Witness Policy task group on implementation of the abortion policy has second meeting (January 12-14, 2000) to evaluate work of entities using the fifteen "policy themes" they created
The Advisory Committee on Social Witness Policy's (ACSWP) selected task group on implementation of the General Assembly's
abortion policy ended their second and final face-to-face meeting without adopting a report. But the group seemed to agree that for the most part the abortion "policies" are being implemented satisfactorily. Dora Lodwick, co-moderator, proposed that the group offer some "suggestions" rather than recommendations, for tinkering with implementation so as not to appear to be a whitewash of their charge.The task group meeting was held at the Louisville Marriott Courtyard Hotel from Jan. 12-14, 2000. The group is made up of co-moderators Dora Lodwick and Nancy Becker, who serve on ACSWP's standing committee. ACSWP selected four additional Presbyterians to serve on the task group (Al Freundt, Joseph Etua, Mary Elva Smith and Theresa Lura) and hired a non-Presbyterian consultant (Margaret Jendrek) to help them evaluate implementation of the policy. Staff members Peter Sulyok and Belinda Curry sat at the table with the group and entered the discussion at will. Sulyok was especially assertive when it came to defining policy.
Process legerdemain: Changing the policy to fit the implementation
Background: The historical position of the church reversed in 1983
"Pro-choice" replaced by "diverse views" in 1992
No change following 1992; presbyteries finally call for accountability in 1997 and 1998
How the intent of the new policy was subverted
That is why the task group spent hours pouring through fifteen years of General Assembly minutes in an attempt to locate every action on problem pregnancies and abortion. A previous effort by ACSWP to do that missed quite a number of actions on the subject that we discovered when we went through the minutes in the PPL office. Most of the missing actions would be considered "pro-life" in emphasis. It's likely that nobody will know for sure if the task group got them all this time. But why should they?
We have a process for arriving at a single statement of policy; the 1992 policy was produced by that process
Why has ACSWP resorted to "themes" instead of the 1992 policy?
The final report is not in yet
What should the final report say?
The 1992 policy produced a difference that made a difference
What changed in 1992 was that the "pro-choice" view was acknowledged as only one view held by Presbyterians. The document itself expressed two basic alternative positions on the morality of abortion. And the document said that people who hold those views legitimately reflect the diversity in our denomination on abortion.
The term "pro-choice" does not appear in the 1992 document. The policy itself altered the status of the "pro-choice" position by acknowledging that it is one of the diverse views. The "pro-life" position is another view held legitimately by Presbyterians, and neither is said to prevail. Both are said to be acceptable. Since 1992 it has been a misrepresentation of denominational policy to describe the Presbyterian Church (USA) as "pro-choice." But that is ground that is difficult for those in positions of power to yield.
The policy was intended to bring a change; the General Assembly can make that happen
Shorts on ACSWP and the Abortion Policy
The difference between policy and resolution in the rules of the G.A.
When the 1997 G.A. opposed partial birth abortion it was responding to an overture sent up by a presbytery. It was not deciding a policy. According to the rules for developing social witness policy, there is a distinction between "policy" and "resolution." The rules say, "A resolution' applies existing policy statements to new circumstances."
When the 1992 abortion policy was adopted no one had heard of D & X or partial birth abortions. When the 1997 General Assembly expressed its "grave moral concern" about this procedure, it was acting in a way that applied the 1992 policy to a new circumstance appropriately. The action on that overture was not the result of a period of study by a task force, as is required for the development of policy. It was, in the best sense, the application of the existing policy. If the 1997 action is understood in this way, arguments for implementing the action on partial birth abortion are fitting and appropriate.
Furthermore, if the older 1983 policy had been in effect, the action to oppose partial birth abortions would have been inconsistent with policy because the 1983 policy expressed no constraints on abortion. Even the wording of opposition to birth control abortions did not come until 1985 and was incorporated into the 1992 policy when it was written.
The charge to ACSWP deals only with policy. If they fulfill their charge faithfully, they will help the Church by establishing 1992 as the current and operating policy against which resolutions like the one on partial birth abortion are fitting and appropriate.
"Reflecting the diversity of views"
One task group member pointed to a statement from The Parent's Guide for elementary school aged children. It says, "There are some people who believe abortion is always the wrong choice. There are others who believe it is always a hard choice, but sometimes the best choice for a woman to make." (P. 28) She thought that statement expressed the diversity of views concisely. Another task force member thought it didn't, that it expresses the General Assembly's view (in the second sentence) and one extreme. He thought a third sentence should be added to express the other extreme.
But either extreme is a charicature of positions. Even the PC(USA) Board of Pensions, which covers any abortion for any reason at any time during pregnancy, would not say it holds the position that would be expressed in the third sentence proposed: that abortion is always the right choice in a problem pregnancy. To posit that statement in contrast to the statement that abortion is always the wrong choice is to make the pro-life position look as ridiculous.
One way to contrast the views would be to say in the first sentence that some people believe that carrying a child to term in a crisis pregnancy is always a hard choice, but it best reflects the teaching of Scripture about the value of human life.
Another way to show the contrast of views more accurately would be to say since God has created each human being in his own image; and since God has prohibited us from killing the innocent and instead called us to care and provide for the needy and vulnerable, abortion is not a moral choice in a problem pregnancy.
Achieving the reflection that the General Assembly intended calls for more than these two sentences. And, in fact, the second sentence is well explicated in all the existing publications on this subject. It is the diverse position which is not and which needs a full explication. Doing that is not simply to comply with the mandate of the General Assembly. It is to help Presbyterians have a fuller understanding of the views and the thinking that underlies the views--to make judgments about which view reflects the historical biblical position of our reformed Christian faith.
Top / Nov. 1999 ACSWP Task Group Report / Jan. 2000 ACSWP Report
![]()
© Presbyterians Pro-Life
P.O. Box 11130
Burke, VA 22009-1130